For a disillusioned young man, grappling with economic stagnation and political apathy, Trump’s return may seem like an empowering vision.

It’s been a bleak week for politics, with the inauguration of a second Trump presidency commanding the spotlight. Hard-right politicians from Europe, including some from Britain, gathered in Washington, flashing MAGA caps and silly grins. Meanwhile, images of tech billionaires Mark Zuckerberg, Jeff Bezos, and Elon Musk, strategically placed ahead of Trump’s own cabinet at the event, was a grim reminder of the growing power of oligarchs. For a disillusioned young man, grappling with economic stagnation and political apathy, Trump’s return may seem like an empowering vision.

But is this part of a broader trend? Are young men really shifting to the far-right, as some studies suggest? And what about Britain, where Labour secured a landslide just six months ago?

In the US, voting trends in the 2024 presidential election point to a drift to the far-right among young men. White, working-class, Gen Z men – mostly less well educated – overwhelmingly supported Trump, with 67% voting for him. In contrast, white working-class Gen Z women were more likely to vote Democrat (47 percent).

This political polarisation among young people however is not confined to the US. In Britain, despite a Labour landslide in the 2024 election, the populist right, led by Nigel Farage, has gained ground, especially among young men.

Financial Times’ analysis of the British Election Study shows that support for Reform UK is now higher among men in their late teens and early twenties than among those in their thirties, and a marked gender gap has opened up among younger voters.

This trend is also visible across Europe, where the far-right is gaining traction among young voters.

In the 2024 European Parliament elections, Germany saw an 11% increase in the share of young voters (aged 24-30) supporting the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). In France, Marine Le Pen’s National Rally party gained 30% of the youth vote, a 10-point rise compared to 2019.

This raises a critical question – why are Gen Z and young Millennials, particularly men, drawn to the far-right and moving away from the liberal politics of previous generations? Or are these trends being exaggerated, and are we misunderstanding the complexities of today’s youth?

Factors behind the shift

In the Scientific American, Adam Stanaland, an assistant professor of social psychology at the University of Richmond, argues that young, white, working-class men are drawn to figures like Trump because they embody a specific brand of masculinity, one defined by aggression, and anger. There is a real danger that it becomes a hegemonic process, whereby what the likes of Trump say is seen as commonsense by this particular group of voters.

Drawing on decades of research, Stanaland identifies conformity, motivation, and threat as key psychological drivers. The pressure on young men to conform to traditional ideals of masculinity, coupled with feelings of alienation and frustration, often manifests as political discontent.

The FT points to the economic stagnation that has particularly affected young men in the west. As their socio-economic status continues to decline, especially relative to young women who are said to be leaving men behind, a sense of disillusionment has led some to seek solace in anti-establishment narrative, which is readily offered by far-right parties and figures.

Yet it’s not just young men that are moving to anti-establishment parties. In the UK, young women shifted heavily to the Greens. Research by the King’s College London found that the gender voting gap was particularly stark among the youngest voters – those aged 18-24, with 19.7 percent of women voting Green compared to 13.1 percent of men. At the opposite end of the scale, 12.9 percent of young men voted for Reform UK, compared to just 5.9 per cent of women.

This pattern could be partly explained through a study  by the Bennett Institute for Public Policy at the University of Cambridge. It found that young adults in the west are increasingly dissatisfied with democracy, with their level of disillusionment far outpacing that of older generations.

A new poll by the More in Common think-tank, found that three in five Brits have a negative view of Trump. When asked to describe the Republican in one word, the most popular responses were “idiot” and “dangerous.” But alarmingly, the poll also found that Trump is popular among men aged under 35, with 53% saying they would have voted for him if they could.

Changing media landscape

The changing media landscape is playing a crucial role in shaping young people’s political views. Social media platforms like TikTok and the so-called ‘bro-vote’ have provided a direct avenue for populist figures to bypass traditional media channels and speak directly to young voters.

Ahead of the 2024 general election, Farage’s punchy, direct and even humorous social media clips gained more attention than many of his more straight-laced political rivals. The Reform leader appeared on podcasts that appealed especially to young men, some of which were hosted by right-wing controversialists with large social media followings. In the Strike It Big podcast, which has 200,000 followers, Farage praised the “important voice” of self-proclaimed misogynist Andrew Tate in standing up for male culture.

Other guests on Strike It Big include David Icke, the conspiracy theorist, and a “testosterone expert” (yes really!) called Jack Hopkins who advises on “how to get rich FAST & become a real man.”

Not all men

But while these online communities may be successfully encouraging political engagement, it’s important to note that not all young people are translating online engagement into votes, and not all young men are flocking to the far-right.

My two TikTok-obsessed sons (16 and 18) are well aware of Farage’s appeal but would never consider voting for his party. Then again perhaps that’s because they’ve been brought up by parents and grandparents who actively espouse left-wing politics. Perhaps young men from more politically apathetic households may be more likely to give figures like Farage a chance, but even then, the far-right has yet to see mass success in the ballot box, at least not in Britain.

A YouGov poll published this week on the likeliness of Farage becoming PM found that just 5% think it’s very likely, and 38% think it’s very unlikely.

Not only does our first-past-the-post electoral system stand in Farage’s way, but the other problem is how often members of the party make fools of themselves. Reform MP Lee Anderson was widely ridiculed for a bizarre X post likening the First World War’s brutal Battle of the Somme with periods, pregnancy and menopause.

And let’s not overlook some of the most jarring images from Washington this week, many of which featured women from Britain. Suella Braverman was filmed arriving in DC sporting a hat emblazoned with Trump’s “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) slogan. The former home secretary described it as an honour to be in Washington for the ceremony. She was joined by Priti Patel, Liz Truss, and, of course, Nigel Farage. These unsettling images highlight the paradox that, while more women than men voted for Kamala Harris, Trump  still appeals to female voters, particularly those over the age of 45.

But Britain isn’t America, and while figures like Nigel Farage are gaining traction – particularly among young men – support for far-right figures in the UK may follow a pattern similar to that seen with Jeremy Corbyn. Despite fervent backing at rallies, a strong presence on online platforms, and a surge in Labour membership, Corbyn’s popularity never fully translated into widespread electoral success.

Could the same dynamics play out for far-right figures in Britain? We can live in hope. Meanwhile, the challenge for Labour is to ensure young people, men and women, are provided with a broader, more inclusive political narrative, one that transcends anger and division and offers hope for the future. Starmer clearly recognises that he has to renew trust in politicians, although it has to be said that the lack of trust in authority extends much more widely than politicians. He is pinning his hopes on economic growth delivering material benefits to young men along with the rest of the population. Labour also recognises that they need to much more social media savvy.

Yet the success of Farage and Trump suggests that there are factors beyond this. What is really needed is an alternative version of masculinity that young men can recognise and value. It already exists in the good work that so many young men do in their communities and for their families. But it needs to become visible and get a hold on politics. 

Gabrielle Pickard-Whitehead is author of Right-Wing Watch

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