Scrapping maintenance grants is Tory class war on poor students

Theresa May is silent on yet more student debt. What happened to 'sharing prosperity'?


Among the assortment of pledges Theresa May has borrowed from Ed Miliband was the new Prime Minister’s vague commitment to ‘allow more people to share in the country’s prosperity’.

But it’s been business as usual, of course. Theresa May’s government watched as George Osborne’s measure to scrap university maintenance grants came into force on Monday, cynically wedged between term time and A-Level results day.

The annual sum of £3,500 formerly handed out to those with low-income parents  – to provide a semblance of the financial security and independence enjoyed by the wealthy – has been replaced with a loan.

Those who cannot depend on the charity of family, predominantly the young working class (and LGBT people disproportionately), are also those who enter our diminishing labour market with the fewest opportunities to navigate it – and they will now be even more heavily indebted for the privilege of doing so.

Abolishing maintenance grants is absurd even by the standards that commodify education, devaluing it into a hollow investment through which poorer students can seize lucrative careers and escape their class shackles: university debt functions as a tax, and a tax on living operates as a cyclical and lifelong penalty for poverty and disadvantage.

Indeed, the very day before this measure came into force, the Intergenerational Foundation reported that for most courses, at most universities, any ‘graduate premium’ had been so eroded by fees and debt repayment that it almost no longer made any financial sense to enrol.

Throughout Cameron’s premiership, Theresa May gave uncritical endorsement to the Tory line opposing restrictions on fees applied by exploitative landlords and the capricious letting agents aspiring to become them – helping price all but the wealthiest students out of the capital.

By this measure, then, abolishing grants is unique in its targeted and unabashed cruelty, further immersing a generation into debt long before they would acquire the political consciousness to object.

There was never even any economic need to abolish grants. Rather like tuition fees (trebled by this government), any ‘loans’ set up to replace the grants wouldn’t have been refunded into the public purse until long after Osborne’s arbitrary deadline to balance the books had elapsed.

But was never about the money. The Conservatives are launching a class war, cordoning off the public institutions that the people of this country have democratically fought to join and expand over decades.

Today’s youth are tomorrow’s workers – a poor, culturally and financially stagnating class faintly stirring in its hostility to Tory ideology that denies us homes, jobs and now an adequate education.

Our higher education system could be very easily resourced to its potential: tax the rich, and harvest an enthusiasm for academic research and intellectual prosperity across all strata of society through truly accessible free education.

Staff could be paid fairly and on secure contracts, providing students with the necessary training to develop the skills of which our society, retreating from our European partners, is so desperately barren.

Whoever wins Labour’s leadership contest will need a strategy to mobilise the many millions of young and working class people whom the last generation of politicians have ostracised and disenfranchised, and whom thus far only racists and xenophobes have bothered to court.

As after the Second World War, the answer lies in a mass social movement for homes, schools, jobs and health. The right of all to a free education, abolishing tuition fees and resourcing the liveable grants and stipends needed to fuel our universities, could vitalise the cultural and economic dynamism at the heart of this vision.

Since 2010, the Tories have indebted millions and reduced our universities to overblown exam factories and gentrified vanity houses; now they tax the right of the disadvantaged to access it.

The emasculation of our higher education system for working class people is, in other words, emblematic of what the Tories hope to do to the rest of our society.

A country is not saved through vapid bleating about ‘financial credibility’. The stakes are incredibly high, and the Left has to come out fighting like it never has before.

Mark Crawford is an officer at UCL’s students’ union and member of the National Campaign Against Fees and Cuts

See: Theresa May’s Tories love debt when it comes to student loans

As you’re here, we have something to ask you. What we do here to deliver real news is more important than ever. But there’s a problem: we need readers like you to chip in to help us survive. We deliver progressive, independent media, that challenges the right’s hateful rhetoric. Together we can find the stories that get lost.

We’re not bankrolled by billionaire donors, but rely on readers chipping in whatever they can afford to protect our independence. What we do isn’t free, and we run on a shoestring. Can you help by chipping in as little as £1 a week to help us survive? Whatever you can donate, we’re so grateful - and we will ensure your money goes as far as possible to deliver hard-hitting news.

2 Responses to “Scrapping maintenance grants is Tory class war on poor students”

  1. Fred

    There’s that phrase again – ‘working class’. And of course, ‘class war’. When are you going to realise that mainstream voters (you know, the kind that decide elections) don’t give a monkeys about the Left’s obsession with ‘class’. They stopped caring about it back in the early 80s. Why can’t you get that? You will never be elected if you keep banging on about ‘class’ like a George Orwell essay. It’s patronizing, dehumanizing, dreary and depressing. People want to hear an inspirational, aspirational narrative about their lives. Blair understood that -it’s why he was elected.

  2. Mark

    Fred – it’s no coincidence that social inequality erupted on the back of attacks to workers’ rights in the 1980s. The majority of Britain’s population – and disproportionately young people – are paying for that, and unless we can put ‘class’ back on the agenda as a way of framing people clustered around that same set of social circumstances we’ll never affect change of any meaning.

Comments are closed.