A new book by the Lib Dems' former election guru looks at the tricks that helped the party win in the past. But where now?

The 2018 party conference season was not a good one for the Liberal Democrats. At a time when both major parties are more polarized and fractious than in decades, disillusioned voters are not looking to the Lib Dems.

Incredibly, they are failing to benefit from their clear pro-EU record. The once-great political tradition is reduced to gimmicks such as bargain basement membership fees, and letting anyone run for leader. What would Roy Jenkins, the greatest liberal of the Twentieth Century, think? Or Gladstone or Jo Grimond?

The Liberal Democrats have plenty of policies, but struggle to define their unique selling point in an easily digestible way. They are enduring a vicious circle of irrelevance: with their parliamentary representation vastly reduced, they have minimal media impact, and bump along with a dismal opinion poll rating. Moreover, they continue to be punished for the Cameron-Clegg coalition of 2010-15.

For these reasons alone, Chris Rennard’s autobiography, ‘Winning Here’, is worth a read. Lord Rennard is the greatest election wizard the Liberals have ever had: from the 1970s onward, he masterminded an astonishing string of byelection victories, turning safe Tory or Labour seats into third party triumphs. As he gained influence in the party, he focused their meagre resources on targeting seats. The result was the highest number of MPs since the 1920s.

For anyone interested in how to pull off this electoral trick, Winning Here is a how-to guide of record-breaking psephology. Rennard’s strategy was to pick local issues, flood voters with leaflets raising those local issues, to expose the laziness or arrogance of whichever party had held the seat previously, and then get out the vote on polling day.

Once byelection writs were moved, devoted party members made the pilgrimage to whichever constituency was in play, knocking on doors, delivering leaflets and identifying swing voters. Losers grumbled that the Liberals were inconsistent and cynical, saying one thing to Welsh sheep farmers, and another to cappuccino-drinkers in Richmond. The party still suffers from this absence of a simple, coherent message on national issues, beyond platitudes.

Aside from electioneering, we follow Rennard’s worries that Charles Kennedy’s alcoholism would demolish the party’s electoral progress. At the Lib Dems high water mark, Kennedy was failing to turn up to important Parliamentary debates, delivering slurred speeches while struggle to stay vertical, and avoiding the necessary campaign duties during byelections.

Yet, as Rennard notes, Kennedy could be a superb communicator when he was on form. He “spoke human,” and could sound both reasonable and intelligent while injecting a gentle humour that pricked the pomposity of Tory and Labour opponents. Whatever your views of Kennedy, the scale of the self-destruction involved is tragic. It also took a toll on Rennard, who managed the disasters left in Kennedy’s wake, always bracing himself for the next problem.

The book covers Rennard’s life up to the 2005 general election, so readers will find little about the accusations of sexual impropriety he subsequently faced (the Metropolitan Police found insufficient evidence to proceed).

There are however personal chapters on the challenges of Rennard’s youth in Liverpool, fending for himself by his teen years.

So where now for the party that Rennard worked so hard to make relevant? Few voters doubt what Labour, the Tories, the Greens or UKIP stand for. Yet, like Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign, the Lib Dems are awash with 10-point policy plans, but no concise and overarching theme, beyond their commitment to freedom, liberty and accountability. Using George Orwell’s litmus test about political language, who would possibly vote against freedom, liberty and accountability?

The Lib Dems missed a trick when in coalition: after three or four years, they could have picked a fight with their Tory partners, storming out of government.

Lord knows, there were enough toxic issues on which to make a principled stand: NHS privatisation, for example. They could have redeemed their credibility with a little melodrama.

But it seems the draw of ministerial limousines was too addictive. Now, their ranks diminished, their MPs and Lords are back on the tube, like everyone else.

Becky Bryan stood as Liberal candidate in the 1983 and 1987 general elections.

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